FAQs

Frequently Asked Questions

What do you stand for?

Quilliam stands for religious freedom, human rights, democracy and developing a Muslim identity at home in, and with, the West. We believe that representation should not be through self-styled ‘community representative’ organisations but as citizens through Parliament. We hope to promote these values and concepts by challenging extremism, promoting pluralism and inspiring change.

What kind of organisation are you?

We are a think tank; we are not a ‘representative’ body, we are not a mass movement actively seek mass support nor are we a religious organisation seeking to preach. Our aspiration is to inspire new thought-trends for existing grassroots bodies. We cooperate with Muslims and non-Muslims at grassroots level in order to achieve this.

Are you aligned with any political or religious group?

As an organisation, Quilliam is independent; it is not aligned to any particular political or religious group. Individuals within Quilliam have a range of political, religious and other beliefs, for example Quilliam’s founders, Ed Husain and Maajid Nawaz, are, respectively, members of the Labour and Liberal Democrat parties and our advisory board includes members of all three main parties.

What is your perspective on radicalisation?

Our analysis suggests that radicalisation of all varieties (Islamist, far right, violent, non-violent) is made more likely where an individual is exposed to an ideology, often justified in reference to a fabricated narrative about recent history and current affairs; where the individual encounters an individual or group (either in real life or virtually) who can articulate that ideology and relate it to the individual’s personal circumstances and context; where an individual doubts their British identity or sense of belonging in this country; and, fourthly, where an individual perceives a grievance (real, imagined or exaggerated) to which there seems to be no suitable response. These four factors, which interact with one another and are mutually reinforcing, help to explain why some individuals are more at risk from radicalisation than others.

Isn’t radicalisation simply a result of foreign policy?

Foreign policy grievances are among the most common grievances for recruiters to manipulate to further their own ends, however other grievances are also important – such as experiences of racism and other discrimination. Ultimately, for somebody who has adopted an Islamist ideology, foreign policy and other grievances are merely consequences of a perceived wider grievance that is the absence of an ‘Islamic state’. Poor foreign policy decisions may, therefore, provide more material for recruiters to manipulate. This is why Quilliam has criticised certain aspects of British foreign policy, for example Britain’s inaction over the 2009 Gaza crisis.  

What role does identity have to play in radicalisation?

Much of Quilliam’s research, including Mosques Made in Britain and Reprogramming British Muslims - A Study of the Islam Channel, has examined factors which encourage some British Muslims to feel as though they do not belong in Britain and as though they cannot and should not integrate into British civic life. As explored above, such marginalisation risks encouraging individuals to question their identity and may feed a perception of grievance, both of which can be manipulated by recruiters to facilitate radicalisation.

Does Quilliam believe that civil liberties have to be compromised in order to prevent terrorism?

No. Civil liberties are an intrinsic part of being British and Quilliam has and continues to oppose their erosion in the name of ‘making Britain safer’. Measures such as airport profiling, targeting CCTV in largely Muslim areas and unjustifiable stop and searches can be counter-productive and bolster the Islamist narrative of there being a ‘war on Islam’. Quilliam is proud of its track record consistently defending human rights in news interviews and debates that are widely available on the internet.

What is Islamism?

It is the belief that Islam is a political ideology, as well as a faith. It is a modernist claim that political sovereignty belongs to God, that the Shari'ah should be used as state law, that Muslims form a political rather than a religious bloc around the world and that it is a religious duty for all Muslims to create a political entity that is governed as such. Islamism is a spectrum, with Islamists disagreeing over how they should bring their ‘Islamic’ state into existence.

Some Islamists seek to engage with existing political systems, others reject the existing systems as illegitimate but do so non-violently, and others seek to create an 'Islamic state' through violence. Most Islamists are socially modern but others advocate a more retrograde lifestyle. Islamists often have contempt for Muslim scholars and sages and their traditional institutions; as well as a disdain for non-Islamist Muslims and the West.

Are all politically active Muslims Islamists?

No. Many Muslims are involved in politics without seeking to introduce the Shari'ah as state law or claim political sovereignty for God. There is a difference between being inspired by religious beliefs as an individual, and seeking to impose those beliefs on society as a collective. We encourage Muslims to engage in democratic politics as citizens - who happen to be of a certain faith - not as ideologues with a Muslim-centric approach.

What is jihadism?

Jihadism is the use of violence to bring about Islamism; it is a framework for interpreting and justifying political violence around the world. Instead of understanding any given conflict as a product of local and regional contexts (social, political, economic etc.), jihadism interprets all conflicts involving Muslims through the lens of a narrative which perceives Islam as a religion to be under attack, and therefore in need of a violent defence. Jihadism has been used both to justify acts of violence targeting combatants and acts of terrorism targeting civilians. Jihadists rarely concede that targeting civilians is terrorism though, often disputing either the victims' civilian status or the idea that civilians were deliberately targeted.

Are all Islamists terrorists?

No, and not all terrorists are Islamists either. One can be a radical without being violent, or advocating violence. However, some who follow an Islamist agenda do use their political/religious beliefs in order to justify acts of violence, including violence that deliberately targets civilians. As such, Islamists often provide a narrative in which Islam as a faith is portrayed as being under attack. Such an interpretation can play into the hands of those who argue that Islam is in need of self-defence, even if it includes attacking civilians, including Muslims. Non-violent Islamists can champion this narrative, providing the mood music to which suicide bombers dance.

What is the theology that lies behind terrorism?

In recent years, terrorists from both Islam's Sunni and its Shi'i denominations have used Islamic references in order to justify attacking civilians. That said, certain types of theology are more conducive than others in creating a mindset in which carrying out attacks against 'unbelievers', 'heretics' or 'enemies of Islam' is considered appropriate. Wahhabism, for example, with its historical intolerance of Shi'ite Muslims, and condemnation of 'popular' Islamic practices, is one such theology.

Are all Wahhabis problematic?

Not necessarily. However, Wahhabi intolerance has provided the theological framework and justification for extremism that has led to acts of social and political violence in the past. There is an overlap between Islamists and Wahhabis, but not all Islamists are Wahhabis and not all Wahhabis are Islamists. The origins of Wahhabism are in the Arabian Peninsula in the 18th century, whereas the majority of British Muslims are of South Asian origin, and are neither Wahhabis nor particularly influenced by Wahhabism. One potential problem within the British Muslim community therefore, would be to present Wahhabi or Wahhabi-influenced figures as representative of British Muslims and their concerns more generally. 

Are all conservative Muslims extremists?

No. Despite raising a host of other social questions, most conservative Muslims oppose Islamism. Indeed, in spite of numerous references to Islamic scripture, pre-modern authors, and classical Islamic history, Islamism is largely a product of urban politics in the 20th century. Conservative Muslims’ opposition to aspects of modernity often includes an opposition to Islamism.

Who provides funding?

Quilliam is funded by both private and public funds. Our ideas, projects, and output are all made possible by the support of private individual donations, private philanthropic foundations and trust grants, as well as public sector grants. All funding is accounted for responsibly, and we are externally audited annually. Specific details of Quilliam's finances are published in our Annual Report.

Does that affect your independence?

No. Quilliam sets its own agenda. Indeed, it has turned down funding offers from potential donors a number of times in the past precisely because of concerns that the donors would try to influence Quilliam's agenda. Quilliam is not affiliated to any political party, and its staff and board members are politically diverse. Quilliam is concerned with issues beyond the level of party politics. Likewise, although Quilliam advises the government and advised the previous government, it remains objective, and often critical.

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